Editorial
Commentary
Jeremy
M. Martin, Roger Tissot:
An analysis on Latin America Energy Security
Energy
it has been increasingly noted is a strategic geopolitical tool. Take
the Western Hemisphere. Brazil has ethanol and now a massive oil discovery; Venezuela
has enormous oil reserves and wants to tackle oil consumption patterns abroad;
Canada has its tremendous oil sands; and Mexico hopes to change the energy game
from checkers to chess while policymakers in Washington, D.C. adopt their standard
Jekyll and Hyde positions. Across the region a paradigm shift is underway. Whether
the endgame is increased fissures or enhanced interdependence is up for grabs
but suffice to say, this is not your father’s Western Hemisphere.
How each country chooses to move their energy pawns is an important question
and one that, as it pertains to energy security in our hemisphere, is not
abundantly clear. What is clear, however, is that ethanol and biofuels
have become the fashionable topic. While the issue has commandeered headlines
since the launching of the U.S.-Brazil initiative in March, the numbers
tell another story when viewed in the context of energy security and its
transformational impact.
According to the International Energy Agency (IEA), only 7% of world demand
for liquid fuels will be met by biofuels by 2030. Add to this the divisiveness
of the debate over transportation fuels from agricultural commodities and
the sustainability and environmental factors and the topic becomes much
less sexy.
Putting aside the popular for the mundane, the entire hemisphere must
get serious about how it chooses to address the considerable amounts of
money that are required to simply maintain the energy status quo of a regional
economy growing at roughly 6% per annum. According to estimates by the
United Nations' Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean
(ECLAC), the region will require -- between now and 2030 -- investments
of around US$1.27 trillion (about US$55 billion a year) in the energy sector.
These staggering numbers beg the question of not just who but how. Insufficient
investments -- private and public -- bring into question the sustainability
of the recent positive economic results, which have been driven mostly
by high commodity prices. Moreover, foreign direct investment (FDI) in
Latin America has been consistently below those of Asian industrializing
countries and the region has one of the lowest ratios of investment to
GDP in the world.
As
Canada is acutely aware, it is not only about finding the necessary capital
to bring to
market huge energy projects, but also how to find balance
in the context of the climate change debate across the globe. Despite a
lack of consensus, it appears that the issue of greenhouse gas emissions,
energy and a country’s development will only grow more intertwined.
In the U.S., competing notions of post-Kyoto and cap and trade mechanisms
seem no closer to a compromise today than during the original Kyoto debate.
That is not just geopolitics, but domestic political reality. And the reality
in the United States, particularly during a presidential election cycle,
oftentimes is the least conducive to driving enhanced interdependence.
Take
the example and importance of Mexico, the U.S.’s third largest
oil supplier with roughly 1.3 million barrels a day. Mexican oil is a critical
component for U.S. energy policy and interdependence. Then take a quick
look at the immigration debate in the U.S. The debate has in many ways
taken on an anti-Mexico slant, particularly when it comes to the 700 mile
wall along the border. Add to this boiling stew the fact that Mexico’s
oil production is in a steady decline and clearly the difficulties are
only beginning. A clear cut example of one of the many difficult, interrelated
energy and policy challenges in the hemisphere.
Meanwhile
one of the region’s most important energy producing countries,
Venezuela, has become a vocal critic of everything from the president of
the United States to oil consumption habits. The Venezuelans contend that
it is the height of arrogance for an energy security discussion to always
point to the suppliers; it is the unsustainable model of U.S. consumption
that should be Topic A of any energy security discussion. Yet, as with
Mexico, if you add a dash of the hugely subsidized oil at home and an overly
petrolized state and national budget you come up with another mystery wrapped
in an enigma. And more disregard for regional interdependence on both sides.
Indeed, the notion of a change in games from checkers to chess and thus
a change in tactics being brought to bear to confront the issue of energy
security may be what is most needed in the short term. Dealing with semantics
could be a natural starting point. Changing the vocabulary of the debate
and its discussants from one hoping for energy independence to one striving
for energy interdependence may seem simplistic, but perhaps necessary.
Let’s face it, energy security in a globalized world – and
energy may be the best example we have of globalization – is really
about our ability to depend on one another and be interdependent in the
most positive sense of the word. Alas, we have a ways to go in this hemisphere.
Jeremy
M. Martin is Director, Energy Program of the Institute
of the Americas, Roger Tissot is Director, Latin America, Country
Strategies Group at PFC Energy. Petroleumworld does not necessarily
share these views.
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News 01/15/08
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