Lagniappe
David
Riff :
A New Castro?
Policy
analysts and pundits have been predicting for some time that the
so-called unipolar moment, in which the United States stands unchallenged
as the sole superpower, will soon come to an end. The debacle
in Iraq has hastened this reckoning and sharpened the anxieties
about America’s role in the world — perhaps especially
among those who believe that the United States is a benign hegemon
and that the real choice is between a Pax Americana and anarchy.
But it is the recent conduct of Hugo Chávez, Venezuela’s
firebrand president, that offers the starkest evidence yet of
the changed circumstances that American policy makers are starting
to confront around the world.
In many ways, Chávez is an unlikely figure to assume the
mantle of leadership of this brewing, if slow-burning and incoherent,
global revolt. A paratroop officer who instigated a failed coup
attempt against the corrupt government of Carlos Andrés
Pérez in 1992, Chávez would seem to conform more
to the Latin American stereotype of the military man turned populist
(Juan Perón of Argentina being the prototypical example)
than to that of a world revolutionary à la Fidel Castro.
As his hold on power has tightened, however, Chávez’s
rhetoric has increasingly embraced the most ossified traditions
of left-wing sectarianism. Echoing Che Guevara’s insistence
that the Cuban revolution was creating a “new man,”
Chávez has spoken of what he calls his Bolívaran
revolution inaugurating the “moral regeneration” of
Latin America. He has compared his own regime with the Paris Commune,
and boasted of sending a copy of “Das Kapital” to
the bishop of Caracas. In speeches, he invokes the tutelary idols
of the antiglobalization left — Noam Chomsky (whom he cited
in a speech at the United Nations); Pierre Bourdieu, the French
social theorist; and Antonio Negri, the erstwhile theorist of
the Italian Red Brigades. Such rhetoric is commonplace at antiglobalization
events like the annual World Social Forum but not in the public
declarations of heads of state.
Now Chávez’s deeds have begun to catch up with his
rhetoric. Re-elected overwhelmingly to a second term in December,
Chávez subsequently announced that he would consider nationalizing,
among other things, the assets of some foreign oil companies and
the largest phone company, which is partly owned by Verizon.
To non-Latin Americans, these statements seem incomprehensible.
And given Chávez’s outlandish rhetoric, it is tempting
to dismiss him as a madman — as many in Washington were
doing until quite recently. After all, Chávez had endorsed
the theory that the attacks of 9/11 were planned and carried out
by the Bush administration as pretext for going to war. And he
has repeatedly praised Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, making five visits
to Iran — visits that President Ahmadinejad reciprocated
with a recent tour of Latin America that began in Caracas.
The general sense that Chávez must be unhinged derives
even more, perhaps, from his enthusiastic support of a Soviet-style
command economy. He rejects out of hand what has become the received
wisdom of our time, which is that every country, like it or not,
must participate in a globalized world economy. But Chávez
declares that he is going to construct a socialist Venezuela in
a socialist Latin America, globalization be damned. To many, this
seems as quixotic as trying to bring back feudalism and the divine
right of kings.
In moving from rhetoric to action, Chávez may indeed have
set the stage for the end of his rule. But the Chávez phenomenon
should not be dismissed. Not only is he still immensely popular
within Venezuela, but he also has become an iconic figure for
many people across the world who see the United States as the
principal threat to world peace, not its benevolent guarantor.
In fact, he has come to play the same role in 2007 that Fidel
Castro played in 1967. Perhaps, globalization or no globalization,
the world has changed less than most people thought.
Of course, it is anything but clear that communism in Cuba will
survive the death of Castro. Indeed, Cuba hangs on economically
only because Venezuela provides it with subsidized oil in much
the way the Soviet Union did before it collapsed. At the same
time, however, the left-wing surge throughout Latin America continues
unabated. Ecuador’s new president, Rafael Correa, joins
not only Chávez but also Evo Morales of Bolivia and Daniel
Ortega in Nicaragua. It’s significant that President Ahmadinejad
— who, it should be noted, is not a Socialist or particularly
hostile to capitalism of the crony kind — met with all of
them. More significant still is that all these men were swept
into power by an electorate for whom globalization is an epithet,
not the collective economic destiny of humanity in the 21st century.
In all likelihood, the chances of a lasting unipolar world were
always slight. History teaches that any time one power predominates,
a coalition forms to oppose it.
Many people expected such a coalition to be led by China (American
naval war planners still do). But the coalition that seems to
be arising first as an “antiprinciple” to U.S. power
is one that unites a Castroite Latin American left, hard-line
Shiite parties like Hezbollah, Iran and at least some extreme
elements of the antiglobalization movement. Note that at Hezbollah’s
so-called victory rally in Beirut after the summer war with Israel,
many participants held up placards with Chávez’s
face pictured alongside that of Sheik Nasrallah. It is the oldest
of foreign-policy instincts, after all, to hold that the enemy
of my enemy is my friend.
Perhaps we were kidding ourselves when we imagined that when Castro
died, the yearning in many parts of the world for a figure like
Castro would die as well. If Hugo Chávez proves nothing
else, it is that such dreams are alive and well.
David
Riff
is a journalist. Petroleumworld not necessarily share these views.
Editor's
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