Lagniappe
Andrew
Neff : Sakhalin-1
Under the Microscope
When officials from Rosprirodnadzor, the Russian
environmental watchdog agency, last year launched a barrage of
criticism about violations of the country's environmental regulations
by foreign consortia operating oil and gas projects on Sakhalin
Island in Russia's Far East, the main target was the Sakhalin-2
project, at the time led by Dutch/U.K. supermajor Shell. The subsequent
pressure campaign against Sakhalin-2 eventually prompted Shell
and its Japanese partners to concede by selling a 50% stake in
the project to Gazprom in December (see "Related Articles").
TNK-BP, which holds the rights to the 1.9-Tcm
Kovykta gas field in eastern Siberia via its controlling stake
in RUSIA Petroleum, and Total, the operator of the Kharyaga production-sharing
agreement (PSA) in northern Siberia, are also facing heavy pressure
from the authorities. BP is still hoping to salvage TNK-BP's hold
on Kovykta—and potentially expand its presence in Russia—as
part of a wider deal with Gazprom and/or Rosneft, while Total
was fined late last week by Rosprirodnadzor after the latest in
a series of checks showed breaches of environmental legislation,
as well as insufficient oil production. Oleg Mitvol, deputy head
of Rosprirodnadzor, said that he would not recommend revoking
Total's Kharyaga licence after the recently completed inspection,
although he suggested to Itar-TASS that this was only a matter
of time if the situation did not improve.
Meanwhile, the ExxonMobil-led multi-billion-dollar
Sakhalin-1 project has continued as normal. In February, the U.S.
supermajor said that Sakhalin-1 had boosted output to its planned
Phase-One capacity of 250,000 b/d of oil. The project would have
hit the output target earlier, except that the planned launch
of the onshore DeKastri terminal was delayed last October by Rostekhnadzor,
Russia's technical standards agency, over a minor glitch. Sakhalin-1
has been relatively untroubled by pesky environmental inspectors—until
now. Mitvol said last week that Rosprirodnadzor has begun the
paperwork for a formal probe, with a physical inspection slated
for May. However, despite an apparent precedent having been set
for Sakhalin, there are several indications that this environmental
probe will have a different outcome.
What Kind of Ending?
The campaign has begun in the same way, with accusations
of environmental regulations from academics in Far Eastern scientific
institutes. The head of the Sakhalin branch of the Far Eastern
Geological Institute said last week that sections of a pipeline
operated by Sakhalin-1 were threatened by soil erosion. That may
serve as the pretext for Rosprirodnadzor's inspection, and doubtless
the watchdog agency will find more faults. However, aside from
the same issues of cost overruns under its own PSA, the Sakhalin-1
project's similarities with the Sakhalin-2 project appear to end
there.
Unlike Shell, ExxonMobil does not have a controlling
stake in the project, merely a 30% one, though it holds the operatorship.
Moreover, Shell was engaged at the time in an asset swap plan
with the state gas giant Gazprom, and this deal became entangled
with the government's annoyance over Shell's attempt to double
the budget for the project. ExxonMobil neither has pending asset
swap deals with any Russian company, nor has it delivered any
surprise announcement of cost overruns. Indeed, the Sakhalin-1
project's cost overruns are known, and while these are sure to
be an issue still, a different approach to securing Russian approval
for an increased budget through better communication in advance
and behind the scenes appears to herald a different outcome for
discussions on the matter.
In addition, unlike in Sakhalin-2, Kovykta, or
Kharyaga, one of Russia's "Big Two" state-owned energy
companies, Rosneft, already holds a 20% stake in Sakhalin-1 via
two subsidiaries, meaning Rosneft—and, by extension, the
state—is already aware of any issues that ExxonMobil has
been confronting in pushing the project forward. Rosneft may still
increase its stake in Sakhalin-1, perhaps by buying out India's
Oil and Natural Gas Corp. (ONGC, which holds a 20% stake), but
appears content for now in sitting back while ExxonMobil does
most of the heavy lifting (and investing) in the project.
Finally, there are a number of intangibles that
will benefit the outcome of the Sakhalin-1 inspection. For one,
the project is now producing 250,000 b/d; any move to halt it
would take this oil off the market. In contrast, the start date
for Sakhalin-2's LNG production and exports had already been pushed
to mid-2008, meaning a halt to operations had little short-term
effect (and the approximate 70,000 b/d of oil output from Sakhalin-2
is shut in over winter months in any case). Also, Sakhalin-2 has
faced widespread criticism from non-governmental organisations
over its impact on the habitat of the rare grey whale; Sakhalin-1
has not. This is perhaps unfair, the product of the fact that—until
recently—Sakhalin-2's progress was much further advanced
than Sakhalin-1, making Shell the public target of criticism for
all the environmental impacts from the various Sakhalin oil and
gas projects. As Shell has learned, however, sometimes luck is
not on your side.
Outlook and Implications
ExxonMobil, meanwhile, would surely point out
that it has taken its share of lumps in Russia as well, having
seen its rights to three blocks in the Sakhalin-3 project cancelled
in January 2004. Whether the U.S. supermajor escapes the imminent
environmental inspection unscathed remains to be seen, but it
nevertheless appears that the company is in for less of a rough
ride than Shell. Having seen Russia's international reputation
tarnished by the campaign against Sakhalin-2, officials may be
less willing to go down that same road once more.
On the other hand, however, the presidential administration
(the Kremlin) appears less concerned with how it is perceived
by others and more with securing state control over key oil and
gas projects. Furthermore, Gazprom's securing of control over
the Sakhalin-2 project appears to have been just what the Kremlin
wanted, so the temptation to take the same approach with Sakhalin-1
remains. However, since Rosneft already has a stake in Sakhalin-1,
it seems that any environmental campaign against it will have
a different goal; namely, to convince ExxonMobil to agree to concede
to Gazprom a role in marketing gas from the project.
The Russian gas giant's position in Sakhalin-2
gives it the perfect perch from which to pressure ExxonMobil on
a joint marketing plan, likely entailing the liquefaction of Sakhalin-1
gas via an expanded LNG plant at Prigorodnoye. Already, SODECO
(the Japanese consortium that holds the other 30% stake in Sakhalin-1),
ONGC, the Japanese government, and the governor of Sakhalin have
expressed a preference to see gas from Sakhalin-1 liquefied for
export, allowing the consortium to market gas to South Korea,
India, China, Japan, and others. ExxonMobil, however, has signed
a preliminary deal to supply gas to the China National Petroleum
Corp. (CNPC) via an as-yet-unbuilt pipeline.
Rosneft has yet to take a strong position on gas
marketing from Sakhalin-1, but Gazprom, eager to protect its export
monopoly and keen to ensure that Sakhalin-1 gas does not compete
with Gazprom's own plans for gas exports to China, clearly has
an interest in prodding ExxonMobil to join forces and market Sakhalin-1
gas as LNG. Thus, the Rosprirodnadzor environmental inspection
at Sakhalin-1 could end up a pressure campaign to get ExxonMobil
to re-orient its gas export plans to align with Gazprom's desires.
Andrew
Neff
is an energy analyst with Global Insight.Petroleumworld
not necessarily share these views.
Editor's
note :This commentary was originally published by Global Insight,
on April 2, 2007. Global Insight is a leading analysis and forecasting
independent company providing the most comprehensive economic,
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