Lagniappe
Global
Insight: Tightened
Iran sanctions
Tightened
Iran Sanctions Introduced to UN Security Council in Anticipation
of IAEA Report
The United Kingdom, France, and Germany have sponsored the introduction
of an Iran sanction-tightening package to the United Nations
(UN) Security Council, hoping for measures to be passed next
week, following the anticipated publication of the IAEA report
on Iran's nuclear programme today.
Global Insight Perspective
Significance The tightening of sanctions includes the extending
of travel bans to Iranian nuclear and missile programme officials,
inspections of shipments to and from Iran, and calling on members
of the United Nations (UN) to exercise vigilance in providing
export credits for trade with Iran and in dealing with its banks.
Implications The package is a compromise hammered out by the
UN Security Council permanent members and Germany, and has reportedly
secured the support of a sufficient number of non-permanent members
to be passed. This would make tightened sanctions a done deal,
unless the impending International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)
report is surprisingly positive of Iranian co-operation.
Outlook The
tightened sanctions—although watered down
from the initial demands of the U.S.-led front for greater isolation
of Iran—will further damage Iranian trade and add costs
to the country's ongoing projects, especially in the energy sphere.
New measures such as shipment inspections will pave the way for
more punitive measures going forward.
Swaying the Council
United Nations (UN) ambassadors from France, Germany, and the
United Kingdom sponsored the introduction of a package of the
latest set of tightened Iran sanctions to the UN Security Council
(UNSC) yesterday, saying that they were confident that a sufficient
number of Council votes had been secured and that no veto would
be cast by any of the permanent members. The sanctions package
is indeed a result of prolonged negotiations between the five
permanent members—United States, United Kingdom, Russia,
China, and France—plus Germany, and its introduction
to the UNSC means that the main objectors to further Iran sanctions
(Russia and China) have agreed to letting it pass. However,
several UNSC members, including veto-wielding Russia and China,
have demanded that the discussion and voting on the tightened
measures follow the impending International Atomic Energy Agency
(IAEA) report on Iran's co-operation and clarification of its
nuclear programme. The report could therefore still change
the outcome of the voting on the sanctions package, should
it give the nations sceptical of further sanctions reason enough
to argue that Iran has heightened its level of co-operation
with the UN nuclear watchdog.
A Strict Regime
The new tightened sanctions package would include measures that
punish individuals tied to Iran's nuclear and missile development
programmes, by imposing a travel ban on them. Perhaps more
importantly on a macro level, it will call on UN member states
to "exercise vigilance in entering into new commitments
for public-provided financial support for trade with Iran,
including the granting of export credits, guarantees or insurance
to their nationals involved in such trade". Businesses
trading with Iran have been finding it increasingly hard to
secure government export credit guarantees for projects—often
a crucial part of securing private financing when dealing with
business in developing countries or areas with heightened political
risk—in the past year, although this was mainly due to
a concerted effort by the United States and several large European
nations to disincentivise Iranian trade, rather than a UN-wide
measure. The fact that such a measure will now be sanctioned
by the UN will give the isolating measure an almost universal
level of acceptance and will make the obtaining of government
credit guarantees for trade with Iran impossible, save from
a very small circle of states.
Likewise,
the financial industry isolation of Iran has been very successful
over the past year, with U.S. sanctions and political
pressure on the international financial industry leading to almost
all European and many Asian banks severing ties with Iran, even
without these measures having been raised to the UN level. If
such measures are legitimised by the UN, the amount of banks
dealing with Iran will dwindle, most probably leaving only banks
from other more or less isolated economies in the world, with
very few—and small-scale—exceptions.
One of the largest successes for the U.S.-led front advocating
more isolation to dissuade Iran from its uranium enrichment programme
and its alleged nuclear weapons programme is the suggested imposition
of shipping inspections. While having their obvious use to act
as verification on intelligence suggesting that Iran might be
smuggling nuclear or missile components and technology, they
will have the perhaps far more effective consequence on the Iranian
economy of making imports of several crucial technologies for
its energy sector impossible. As Iran is trying to get at least
some of its LNG export ventures under way, it needs to secure
liquefaction technologies somehow, to which the intellectual
rights currently belong to a small circle of Western and Japanese
companies. Even if a single company should try to sell LNG technology
to Iran, a full project is bound to include at least some technical
details from a U.S. company, meaning that such a shipment would
be a breach of U.S. sanctions. Similarly, obtaining complex reservoir
mapping software or new onshore and offshore technology runs
the risk of being in breach of U.S. sanctions and with shipping
inspections, the risk of selling Iran such technologies is bound
to rocket, further damaging construction and development.
The IAEA Wildcard
With the passing of the sanctions tightening resolution almost
guaranteed through preceding informal negotiations, the findings
of the IAEA report look like being the only thing that could
derail Iran's further isolation. Further accusations against
IAEA chairman Mohammed el-Baradei have been aired by those
advocating tighter sanctions, fearing that he will be too lenient
on Iran in order to, first and foremost, keep a dialogue alive.
In the past weeks there have been scattered reports of senior
IAEA experts and inspectors being disgruntled with their chairman,
accusing him of wanting to play down well-founded concerns
and suspicions of Iran's intentions, which have been grounded
in recent findings, in favour of prolonging the dialogue with
the Islamic Republic. He—and others—have, however,
countered that dialogue is of utmost importance and that the
criticism, even from within, is to a certain extent orchestrated
by those favouring a tougher line on Iran.
Outlook and Implications
An IAEA report emphasising Iran's willingness to co-operate with
the UN's nuclear watchdog is likely to spark a strong debate
in the UNSC, possibly leading to Russia, China, and some non-permanent
members such as South Africa and Libya withdrawing their support
for the package. This would delay the process significantly,
although it would not lead to the easing of any of the sanctions
currently facing Iran and damaging its economy. The status
quo would instead prevail until the next push for tougher sanctions
could be organised. The movement for tougher sanctions against
Iran has very much regained the momentum it had lost by the
end of 2007 and looks set to retain sufficient initiative for
the pendulum not to swing in the opposite direction, even if
the IAEA report turns out to be more positive for Iran than
expected.
Samuel
Ciszuk is
a Global Insight's Middle East energy analyst. Petroleumworld
does not necessarily share these views
Editor's
Note: For more information on Global Insigth, contact: Catarina
Feria-Walsh Global Insight, catarina.walsh@globalinsight.com.
/ www.globalinsight.com.
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Petroleumworld News 02/25/08
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