Lagniappe
Elvia Gomez :
Alberto Garrido: "A new society follows the transition"
Abiding
by his rigorous follow-up for years of the revolution heralded
by President Hugo Chávez, substantiated in an extensive
literature, Alberto Garrido wants to make it very clear that he
has not a crystal ball. He works on assumptions and there is a
justification for it. "If anything is bold, that is thinking
for Chávez."
Venezuelans,
Garrido notes, are immersed in a process that involves much more
than the electoral scenario. "This process defines systems."
In addition, it sails over troubled waters, where the risk of
dismissing the election results and subsequent clashes mark the
outcome.
"When
(single opposition candidate) Rosales votes, he is voting within
the framework of representative democracy, and when Chávez
votes, he is voting in the context of revolutionary democracy.
These are quite opposite concepts."
The
scholar clarified that the Bolivarian revolution is a national-international
indivisible unit. "Geopolitics for Chávez is more
important than any election. In the absence of a multi-polar world,
there cannot be revolution in Venezuela. It seems to me that it
is not as simple as stating that A or B wins."
Nevertheless,
if ratified as President, Hugo Chávez will announce officially
the end of the transition, Garrido fears.
"In
1991-1992, in a paper entitled "Going off the labyrinth,"
Chávez postulated a scheme similar to the one we are experiencing
nowadays. This was discussed with MBR-200 leaders. It was said
that the revolutionary process had two phases -'transition' and
the creation of a 'new society.' That is, a different society,
based on civilian-military unity. A new way of living was laid
down, and the territorial guard will be powered indeed."
"Chávez
takes the issue with western values and the US way of living.
The point is whether many Venezuelans, including Chávez'
supporters, are willing to shift their lives. Will Chávez
set up gradually this new society? Or will he resort to force?
He is talking about leaving capitalism. This is not nonsense.
Chávez' wish and judgment will play a crucial role on the
success of the changes to implement such process."
"The
Simón Bolívar National Project has been defined
as the Socialism of the 21st Century. According to Chávez,
it will stretch from 2007 to 2021. We are somewhat acquainted
with the particulars of this revolutionary process -global multi-polarity,
social equality, socialized education and medicine, and a much
more heterodox economic performance. There is now a hybrid where
the so-called endogenous centers cohabit with the classical capitalist
economy. Chávez will try to make it disappear gradually.
I do not see here a Cuban-like process."
"In
the political-ideological area, everything will be clearer than
in the economic-social ambit. It will pull the springs that possibly
are not mature enough now in order to, for instance, understand
the issue of private property and its difference from state or
common property. Chávez is very pragmatic. He may have
strategic goals, but knows how to put the brake or turn around.
Anyhow, he does not leave the main road. He stated, 'There may
be a thousand tactics, but there is only one strategy.'"
"The
Parliament will follow Chávez' guidelines and the single
party, based on the concept of a single leader, will prevent any
further discussion on decisions."
Concerning
the possibility that, following ratification, Chávez has
to counter an organized, strong opposition, Garrido answered conclusively,
"this does not exist nowadays. It is just unified around
Rosales. But I think that there are unexpected events."
"In
the Venezuelan case, I think that the global factor is very significant.
No analysis of the national context can be made by taking aside
the international ambit, particularly for such an important country
as Venezuela in the energy business. To what extent will (Brazilian
President Luiz Inácio) Lula (Da Silva) bolster Chávez
as a regional ally? And to what extent will Brazil allow for a
revolutionary process in Venezuela in the event of feeling that
it is reaching its boundaries? Also, there is an embryo of an
anti-Chávez axis that, at least rhetorically, (Peruvian
President) Alan García wants to lead."
"Saying
that Lula came to back Chávez is simplistic. No, Lula came
to make a deal in strategic matters. For this reason, he faces
criticism of the dissent in his country. Lula came because he
realized that the attention of the United States is focused on
the Middle East, putting Latin America aside. And Lula is paving
the way for Brazil. But he does not want to do it by confronting
Chávez."
"But
also, there is still the political definition in Ecuador. It can
curb Phase II of Plan Colombia. And (Colombian President Álvaro)
Uribe has been discussing it as he is very alarmed at a potential
change of administration in the United States. There is the Chilean
reaction to the Venezuelan-Bolivian military alliance and also
they are very upset with the gas issue. Here Peru goes, trying
to find a niche, offering gas to Brazil and Chile. There is Argentina
changing stances… And Venezuela is involved in all of it."
It
remains to be seen whether the results of the election on December
3rd will be accepted, says Alberto Garrido.
Elvia Gomez is
a journalist with Venezuela's El Universal,
Alberto Garrido is the autor of various books
on Chavez. Petroleumworld not necessarily
share these views.
Editor's
Note: This commentary was originally published by EL Universal,
on Nov. 23, 2006 ( Translated by Conchita Delgado -cdelgado@eluniversal.com).
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