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Draft
Program and Principles of
the United
Socialist Party of Venezuela
By
Presidential
Commission to Organize the PSUV
Below is a translation of the draft program and principles
of the provisionally named United Socialist Party of Venezuela,
which are currently being discussed at its founding congress.
The documents were drafted by the provisional leadership of
the PSUV.
Venezuela's President Hugo Chavez made his first public call
for the creation a political instrument to unify the country's
revolutionary forces in December 15, 2006. Convened on January
12, 2008, some 1,676 congress delegates elected from almost
15,000 socialist battalions -- local units of the PSUV -- will
discuss and debate this draft program, as well as the proposed
priniciples and statutes of the new party, over the next two
months. In between congress sessions, delegates will return
to their local regions and battalions to ensure the widest
possible discussion of these documents among the ranks of the
new party.
Thursday,
24 January 2008
Draft
Program and Principles of the United Socialist
Party of Venezuela
I. About the program
All revolutionary organisations contain three essential elements:
1. A politico-ideological doctrine
2. A critical analysis of the past and present, and
3. A program for an ideal future with the methods of action
through which to make possible the transition from the present
to this ideal future.
This program for the future is a "catalogue" of
solutions to the evils of the past and present. It is the product
of a mixture of discontent with what one has and the hope for
what one aspires to have; an amalgam of bitterness and illusion.
There are programs that focus essentially on the ethical and
legal and there are others that seek to first find a solution
to the social-economic problem.
The methods of action contemplate, in a mixed
or simple form, one of various types of "evolutionism" or "revolutionism".
Although, in some cases, those that adopt a "gradualist" evolutionary
method to start with, get to a point where they agree to accept
the possibility of "revolution" as a last resort,
once the doors in the democratic system have been closed off.
Of course, all methods of action lead to an end: the taking
and exercising of power. This is because possessing power signifies
the possibility - the only concrete one - of directly carrying
out in practice the programs for substituting one political
structure for another, and for changing a defective society
for an ideal society. A political party that does not aspire
in some way to take power has no reason to exist.
Therefore, all programs should contain a "catalogue" of
solutions and the manner in which (times, moments and places)
these solutions can be carried out, understanding that not
all elements of this program can be applied rigidly, indiscriminately
and indefinitely in times or places where conditions are not
the same or similar to those when they were first conceived
of. That is why, although the Declaration of Principles or
the Statutes of an organisation tend to be more permanent,
its program or programs of action have to be periodically revised
by the organisation (leadership bodies and congresses). New
possibilities and new necessities are constantly emerging,
as well as new problems and new solution. In regards to the "Programs" of
the traditional politics, they were something which that that
were to suffer from were not to be told about.
II. The program of the PSUV
1. Defence of the revolution. Build socialism
Taking as its starting point the championing and unconditional
defence of the government of the Bolivarian revolution, led
by President Hugo Chavez, and the will of the Venezuelan people
to construct the socialism of the 21st century, the program
of the PSUV is the instrument with which to set out the objectives,
forms and methods of this revolutionary project, and express
them at each moment through slogans that can facilitate the
transition from the immediate reality to the end goal; slogans
that, by definition, adapt themselves permanently to the immediate
circumstances.
2. Internationalism
The Bolivarian socialist revolution is unfolding within an
international framework and a national reality. The programmatic
definitions are therefore rooted in two different spheres:
on one side, in the will for transformation based on an interpretation
of the material fundamentals of historical development at the
world scale and, on the other, in the immediate conditions
of our country at a given moment.
Basing itself on the Bolivarian tradition, the program of
the PSUV champions internationalism and takes as its starting
point the belief that the grand objectives of the revolution
will have only been obtained when the Latin American and Caribbean
people obtain unity and national and social emancipation, and
together with the people of all the world we have buried capitalism
in order to open the door to a new era in the history of humanity.
But the concept of internationalism that the
Party holds is not one of simple "international fraternisation between
peoples", nor one of simply exhortations for "tolerance".
The Party fights to create a truly international united front
of the peoples that is anti-imperialist and confronts the aberrations
that imperialism pretends to universalise where they appear.
The PSUV will work tiresomely to:
* Favour all activities that favour the unity
of the people based, more than just on a simple exchange,
but on the principle
of "doing things together", so that the people get
to know each other and feel a commitment to each other.
* Diversify international relations and create new alliances
in order to construct new axes, different to those favoured
by the interests of the international market, transnationals
and neoliberalism.
* Favour a solidarity-based exchange of resources with other
countries, particularly with Latin America and the Caribbean,
where the solidarity-based and humanist dimension prevails
over merely commercial interests.
3. Build Popular Power. Socialise power
The program of the PSUV has as its objective
making reality the slogan "in order to end poverty you have to give power
to the poor", or better said: the people. That is to say,
build a government based on Councils of Popular Power, where
workers, campesinos, students and popular masses are direct
protagonists in the exercising of political power.
The program of the PSUV proposes the socialising of political
power, establishing the direct exercising of decision-making
power by the masses in their organisations; their unrestricted
right to scientific research and the free artistic creation,
and the democratisation of access to all cultural policies.
The PSUV will carry out a constant struggle to:
* Promote democracy and a assembly-based culture within the
Party, and in all spheres where it is present (communities,
work fronts, areas of study, activity etc.)
* Struggle to make self-government a reality, with cities,
communal councils and communes as the basic political units.
* Promote, where necessary, the creation of new territories
and/or municipalities in areas of human settlements, that,
for historic, geo-political, cultural, productive or strategic
reasons require the overcoming of fragmentation, along with
the creation of their respective self-governments.
* Struggle for the transference of the largest amount possible
of the planning, execution and control over public policies
to these city governments, communes and community councils
by the constituent powers and its institutions.
* Promote direct and constant participation. That the largest
amount of men and women possible be involved in the resolution
of all the problems posed by the struggle in its different
phases and levels: from the socialist cities to the commune
and the communal councils in different areas (popular power,
social missions, water committees, sports committees, cultural
committees, housing committees etc) up to the military reserves.
In regards to the specific area of industrial workers, two
fundamental axes for the implementation of this task should
be the concepts of popular control and self-management.
4. Planned economy. Communal state
The program of the PSUV proposes to move in the direction
of a democratically planned and controlled economy, capable
of ending alienated labour and satisfying all the necessities
of the masses. Throughout this period of transition, which
at this moment marches from a state capitalism dominated by
market forces towards a state socialism with a regulated market,
the aim is to move towards a communal state socialism, with
the strategic objective of totally neutralising the law of
value within the functioning of the economy.
The PSUV proposes to build:
* A productive, intermediary, diversified and independent
economic model based on the humanistic values of cooperation
and the preponderance of common interests.
* A society that prohibits latifundio, transferring these
lands into property of the revolutionary state entities, public
companies, cooperatives, communities and social organisations
capable of administering and making the land productive.
* A society that prohibits monopolies and the
monopolists of the means of labour, that is to say, of the "sources
of life" [1], or any other activities, agreements, practices,
behaviours or omissions by them that make vulnerable the methods
and systems of social and collective production.
* A society with property models that privileges public, indirect
and direct social, communal, citizens' and collective property,
as well as mixed systems, respecting private property that
is of public utility or general interest and which is subjected
to contributions, charges, restrictions and obligations.
* A society that defends non-alienated labour,
with sufficient free time so that human beings have time
for voluntary work
and rest time for scientific and humanistic creation, as opposed
to the capitalist productive system that revolves around the
prolongation of the work day, the prolongation of free labour
(for the capitalist owner) or increasing "productivity",
that is, accentuating the stress levels of the labour force.
* A society that is inclined towards collective
forms of property and labour, that is capable of distributing
the "social
product" in order to maintain the means of production,
broaden out production, create funds or insurance against accidents
or natural phenomena, cover administration costs, satisfy collective
necessities (schools, hospitals etc.) and sustain people who
are unable to work, and afterwards proceed in "dividing
up" for consumption purposes.
5. Defence of nature. Planned production
The program of the PSUV proposes the preservation of nature
and the planning of production for the satisfaction of collective
necessities in harmony with the requirements of the ecosystem.
The PSUV fights for:
* The non-proliferation of highly contaminating industries
that are not of a highly strategic interests for all the nation.
* The development of technologies in accordance with the socialist
and humanist model of society.
* Respecting for popular, traditional and millenarian technologies
which produce in harmony with human beings and nature.
* The preservation of water basins and sources of water.
* Raising consciousness about the preservation of nature and
against the consumerist model of society that leads to the
production of useless objects at the cost of exhausting natural
resources.
* The promotion of consumption of ecological products.
* The promotion of collective and public transport use.
* The promotion of developing alternative sources of energy.
* Raising consciousness about saving energy usage.
6. Defence of the revolution and sovereignty
The program of the PSUV takes up the issue of the defence
of the revolution, national sovereignty and public security
through an indissoluble union of the FAN (National Armed Forces)
and the people in arms.
In this sense, the PSUV takes up the tasks of:
* An alliance with the Armed Forces. A central issue of revolutionary
strategy is the alliance of the people as a whole with the
National Armed Forces, as well as the workers with the middle
classes of the countryside and city (small and medium-sized
peasantry, small industrial and commercial bourgeoisie in urban
and rural areas).
* The organisation of Popular Militias.
* The organisation of Defence Committees in the Communal Councils,
together with the reserves.
* The application of the principles of integral military defense
and popular war of resistance.
7. A state based on Popular Power
The program of the PSUV proposes the construction of a state
based on Councils of Popular Power, with the full and democratic
participation of workers, campesinos, students, housewives,
intellectuals, artists, small producers and petty traders from
the countryside and cities, guaranteeing the widest possible
participation and protagonism of the people in determining
and realising their destiny.
Based on these fundamentals, the search, elaboration and formulation
of a Program of Action is the most delicate task of the Party.
It is also the issue that verifies if its leadership bodies
respond or not to the expectations of the Party militants,
whom, by definition, must be the most finely honed antennas
for detecting all the necessities and requirements of the people
as a whole, as well as the changes in collective behaviour
and transformations in the mood of the masses.
[1] The addition of "sources of life" is
to point out that land is understood to be a means of labour.
Draft declaration of Principles of the United Socialist Party
of Venezuela (PSUV)
1. The Threat
With the beginning of the 21st century, humanity has entered
full speed into the most dangerous crossroads in history. Capitalism,
in its imperialist phase, has reached its limits. After the
successive palliative postponements of a structural crisis,
which has been corroding the foundations of the system for
decades, the dominant socioeconomic mechanisms in the planet
are jammed and threatening to explode. The crisis of this irrational
mode of production, based on the exploitation of countries,
classes and individuals -- along with the destruction of nature
-- pushes the imperialist centres of the world economy further
into competition in a savage struggle for control over markets.
Pushed, firstly by the logic of this competition, and then
by the necessity to find rentable forms in which to invest
massive amounts of excess capital (above all in the arms industry);
and at the same time, by the imperative of destroying excess
commodities in order to fix up the mechanism and reinitiate
the economic cycle, imperialism is dragging the world to war.
With the current level of scientific and technological development,
unlike the two world wars of the 20th century, this war will
not limit itself to destroying human lives, goods and commodities,
so that they can once again be produced and sold: it will end
all forms of life on this planet.
The atrocities committed by the United States and smaller
powers in the invasion of Iraq is only an ominous prologue
to what awaits humanity if it is not able to put a brake on
this deadly dynamic. Stopping imperialism and impeding war
are therefore the most transcendental priorities for the peoples.
***
With the collapse of the Soviet Union at the beginning of
the 1990s, the floodgates that stopped capital easing its crisis
were broken, unloading it, without extenuating circumstances
holding it back, onto the dependent nations and its workers,
peasants and middle classes. Since then, the brutal cost of
sustaining the system has fallen on the shoulders of thousands
of millions of people. The price of the capitalist crisis in
the imperialist centres is the dizzying increase of misery
in the Third World. An unprecedented concentration of wealth
into the hands of a few has as its consequence degradation,
suffering, hunger and death for the immense majority of humanity,
including in an increasing manner the peoples of the imperialist
countries.
This avalanche of poverty is the other side of the crisis
that threatens life on Earth. Faced with the growing incapacity
of the institutions and alliances with which it maintained
its power in the 20th century, imperialism now appeals to the
desperate necessities of millions of human beings in order
to pit one against another in fratricidal wars, which can result
in nothing but destruction, degradation and death on a scale
never seen before.
2. Defeat poverty
Ending poverty, abandonment, marginalisation and the forced
dehumanisation of hundreds of millions of people is therefore
another priority, inseparable from the previous one, in this
current historical moment in which we live: without ending
the polarisation of wealth and the growth of poverty beyond
anything ever seen in history, war will be inevitable.
At the same time, world history, and most clearly of all,
the Venezuelan experience, has demonstrated that capitalism,
even less so in the era of the crisis of imperialism, far from
ending poverty, increases it everyday with its irrational evolution,
showing the world that socialism is the only rational, necessary
and possible direction to take at this crossroads for humanity.
3. Exercising power
The conclusion is clear: in order to end poverty, it is necessary
to give power to the poor and build socialism; to impede war,
it is necessary to end imperialism.
4. The necessity of internationalism
The Bolivarian Revolution of Venezuela has
placed itself at the vanguard of this struggle, which from
within our national
borders has projected itself to the world as a whole. The Bolivarian
ideal -- that Latin American internationalism, which 200 years
ago raised the banner of union south of the Río Bravo,
independence, sovereignty and the search for the largest sum
of happiness possible for the peoples -- defeated at the time
by the collusion of imperialism with the local oligarchs, today
is being reborn through the socialist revolution which, from
Venezuela, marks out a horizon of life, peace, liberty, democracy
and happiness for all, converting itself into a beacon for
thousands of millions of human beings in America and the world.
Venezuela is the victim of attacks, conspiracies and war preparations
by the United States not just because of its immense petroleum
wealth, which the greed of the industrial powers have always
longed for, but because the Bolivarian Revolution is an example
for a world submerged in capitalist crisis.
5. Defence
The defence of sovereignty is identified with defence of the
Bolivarian Socialist Revolution. It converts itself into a
landmark as to whether imperialism can advance or not in its
bellicose, annexationist, divisive and destructive dynamic
across the world.
6. Unity
In order to confront such an enormous challenge, the Bolivarian
Revolution needs to accrue, consolidate and articulate, with
maximum efficiency, the union of the Venezuelan people as a
whole; it needs to work tirelessly for Latin American-Caribbean
unity. It must join with the nations of the South and the peoples
of the entire world to create a force capable of countering,
neutralising and defeating imperialism.
The (Bolivarian Party for the Socialist Revolution) of Venezuela
is the instrument for carrying out these strategic tasks that
history has placed once again on the table, now behind the
banner of socialism. Above all, it will be the political instrument
for uniting into revolutionary and socialist action all the
victims of capitalism in Venezuela. This social and political
unity of the grand majorities will allow the Bolivarian Revolution
to carry out the tasks it has set for itself: education, health,
housing, work and wellbeing; and will allow for the preparation
of the people as a whole, so that together with the FAN [National
Armed Forces] at the vanguard, it will be possible to face
up to the challenge of defending our sovereignty in the face
of the threats of invasion and violence that imperialism will
use as a last recourse in order to impede the advance of the
Revolution.
The Party (Bolivarian Party for the Socialist Revolution)
of Venezuela is born as an expression of the revolutionary
will of the people and their political leadership. It is the
product of the revolutionary unity of the majorities and sees
the supreme value of a plural, multifaceted unity that encompasses
the broadest diversity in regards to ethnic, ideological and
political origins, and around which the destiny of the homeland
will be forged. Given that it summarises the most outstanding
effort towards national and social emancipation of our past,
the most genuine Latin American internationalism, and because
it has been the motor of the socialist revolution underway
in Venezuela, Bolivarianism is at this moment in history the
point of unity of all the perspectives of revolutionary and
socialist thought.
7. Direct participation
This unity requires the full and democratic participation
of workers, peasants, youth, intellectuals, artists, housewives,
small producers and petty traders from the countryside and
the city, in the formation and running of all its component
organs, in discussion and decision making in regards to programs
and strategies, and in the promotion and election of its leadership.
An instrument of struggle made up of millions of free men
and women, the Party (Bolivarian Party for the Socialist Revolution)
of Venezuela at the same time ratifies the necessity for an
effective centralisation for action in the great battles already
laid out: against poverty, against exploitation, against the
degradation of human beings, against internal reaction and
their imperialist masters. A tool for the unification of the
grand majorities, the Party (Bolivarian Party for the Socialist
Revolution) of Venezuela is born nevertheless with the conviction
that it faces a constant military threat from internal and
external enemies of the Revolution, which is why it assumes
responsibility, at all levels, for the defence of the homeland,
in order to confront and defeat imperialism if it dares to
tread on our land.
Brought to life by the government of the Bolivarian Revolution
and under the impulse of President Hugo Chavez, the Party (Bolivarian
Party for the Socialist Revolution) of Venezuela nevertheless
is not the government. It is the political controller of the
objectives of the government and will keep a watch over it
to ensure these objectives are carried out. At the moment of
its conception into national and international political life,
the nexus point between the government and the Party is Commandante
Chavez, and the full adoption by the Party of the five motors
and the seven strategic guidelines that today summarise the
program, the strategy and the tactics of the Bolivarian Revolution.
8. The principal responsibility
The responsibility of the Party consists in organising the
people on a territorial basis and through fronts: workers,
peasants, students, youth, intellectuals, artists, housewives,
small producers and petty traders from the countryside and
the city, around their necessities and concrete demands and
in the function of those strategic and tactical guidelines
and the Program adopted by the Founding Congress of the Party
(Bolivarian Party for the Socialist Revolution) of Venezuela.
The Party is therefore the point where the expression of popular
will and the application of those guidelines of the Revolution
(from the construction of houses, sanitary attention, education,
up to the armed defence against an eventual foreign invasion)
come together.
9. Overcome fragmentation and anarchy
This symbiosis, the dialectical interaction which must materialise
constantly in the Party, overcomes all notions of abstract
autonomy, as much from the government, as from the social movements,
in order to make way for a constantly changing synthesis, in
which the Party acts at the same time as a two-way transmission
belt and leading motor.
The Party is constantly constructing spaces of unity within
diversity. Considering the construction of socialism as a great
strategic objective, the Party treats all tactical and programmatic
proposals, concrete actions, and decisions taken in line with
this objective with the necessary tolerance and broadness,
in order to achieve consensus amongst the forces that support
the Bolivarian Revolution. The Party understands the possibility
and necessity of diverse layers of the population coming onboard
the process of constructing socialism as a result of a collective
or individual understanding of the risk that the prolongation
of capitalist society means.
10. Original and creative
Following Simon Rodrigez's maxim, "we invent or we err",
the socialism of the 21st century that the Party (Bolivarian
Party for the Socialist Revolution) of Venezuela fights for
will be original, its own, creative and will have a profoundly
collectivist sense of exercising power. The Party will go to
great efforts to educate itself and others in human experiences
that have distant antecedents, such as American Indian cosmovision
and primitive Christianity and more recent experiences like
those that from the 20th century that gave rise to the Soviet
Union, Eastern Europe, China , North Korea, Vietnam and Cuba
. But the socialism of the 21st century will be the consequence
of a creative praxis, the free exercise of the will and desires
of the Venezuelan people. It will be "neither imitation
nor copy", to borrow the expression of José Carlos
Mariátegui, but rather a "heroic creation".
It recognises the diversity of our origins and values the Indigenous,
European and African roots that gave rise to our great South
American nation. It incorporates from the doctrine of Simon
Bolivar, in particular his anti-imperialist vision and his
ideas about the necessity of the union of Latin American and
Carribean countries; from Simon Rodriguez, his struggle of
a liberating, popular education for all; and from Ezequiel
Zamora his struggle for social property of land, his confrontations
with the oligarchic powers and his program of social protection.
11. The construction of socialism: the only way out
Just as it is indisputable that private property over the
means of production in any society determines the relations
of labour, human relations and all aspects of life, negating
the objectives of a humanist, solidarity-based, socialist society,
it is no less true that the transition, above all at this current
moment in humanity, demands a careful, objective evaluation
of each step taken, in order to always, and at all times, guarantee
the conscious participation of the majority and the necessary
efficiency to carry out all the requirements of national life,
including its defence.
One does not have to be religious in order
to identify with and be at one with basic principles of Christ
that champion
justice, equity and human and fraternal relationships between
persons. "You will not oppress the poor and needy day
labourer, be they from amongst your brothers or a foreigner
that lives in the lands within your city", "Woe to
me if you build your house without justice, and your rooms
without equity, living off your neighbour for free, and not
giving him the salary for his work!", "No one can
serve two masters because he will loathe one and love the other.
You can not serve both God and wealth", "Blessed
are the poor, because for them is the kingdom of heaven, blessed
are those that have a hunger and thirst for justice, because
they will be quenched, blessed are the merciful, because they
will receive compassion".
One does not have to be an atheist in order
to agree with Marx's scientific analysis which led him to
affirm: "in
the capitalist system of production, labour is external to
the worker it does not belong to his essential being; that
he, therefore, does not confirm himself in his work, but denies
himself, feels miserable and not happy, does not develop free
mental and physical energy, but mortifies his flesh and ruins
his mind. The worker feels himself only when he is not working;
when he is working, he does not feel himself. This produces
the reversion of all human values".
The exploitation of human by human is an impediment to being
able to see and recognise the human being within oneself and
the one in front of them; it contradicts the sentiments of
solidarity; it mutilates the ties of friendship. Capitalism
kills by hunger or by glut, but it always kills.
Capitalism contradicts the human condition and goes against
the survival of the species. The planet is being destroyed.
The irrational imperative for growth is provoking the destruction
of ecosystems and threats to extinguish the sources of life
on Earth. This catastrophic dynamic is caused by the irrationality
of a socioeconomic system that omits the necessities of humanity
and acts under the obligation of its own logic, compelled towards
constant growth in the pursuit of profit. In this crazy race,
capitalism provokes periodic moments of crisis where, again
in the pursuit of profit, it is necessary to destroy massive
amounts of human lives and material goods.
Ever since human society was divided into classes, there has
been resistance and struggle against oppression and exploitation.
But with the victory of capitalism over feudalism and the dominance
of the capitalist mode of production at the world scale, the
social struggles of the industrial workers' movement fused
with the most advanced thought of its time and gave rise to
the struggle for a socialism based on science and the most
deeply felt sentiments of human beings.
Simultaneously, in our continent, Simon Bolivar was laying
the foundations for national and social emancipation with his
liberatory struggle and his humanist and revolutionary vision,
affirming words that today are fundamental for the union of
our peoples and the social transformation of our time.
Faced with the crisis of the system and the grave threats
that come with it, the contemporary challenge consists in guiding
action in such a way that the exploited and oppressed masses
of Venezuela assume the maximum amount of knowledge of history,
the economy and political theory, in order to tackle the immense
task of responding in an original manner, embedded in concrete
reality, to the roots of what it means to be Venezuelan, the
cultural particularities, including of each region and social
group, in front of every normal day demands, each difficulty
put forward by the transition from capitalism to socialism.
For the Party (Bolivarian Party for the Socialist
Revolution) of Venezuela there are no recipes from a manual,
nor can there
be, nor impositions by anyone who is not the conscious, organised
Venezuelan people themselves, standing up and ready for combat.
Inter-imperialist competition opens up cracks between the
owners of the world and by default creates a multi-polar world
in constant turmoil, to which the United States can only counterpose
its military supremacy. Simultaneously, due to the demands
to maintain its rate of profit, the out of control voracity
of imperialism subjugates the bourgeoisies of sub-developed
countries beyond what is tolerable. Those who for two centuries
were submissive minor partners, who benefited from the looting
of their own peoples, see themselves pushed into conflicts
that fracture their former association of convenience. While
the disputes between imperialists paralyses the world institutions
that came into being at the end of the Second World War, and
fragments at every point on the globe the hegemonic bloc comprised
of imperialists and subordinated capital, the combined impact
of this phenomena, within a framework of constant and growing
popular rebellion, has worked towards demolishing the institutions
through which political power was sustained in countries with
dependent and sub-developed economies. The world is therefore
witnessing realignments of all types, always to the detriment
of the power of the United States.
This conjuncture opens up the perspective of calling for an
international anti-imperialist bloc on a grand scale, with
the participation of national, provincial and local governments,
different types of social movements and political forces from
a broad ideological viewpoint. The idea is to unite in action
hundreds of millions of people throughout the entire world
against imperialism and its wars.
Similarly, in Latin America there exists the possibility of
producing a qualitative transformation in the politico-organisational
reality of tens of millions of exploited and oppressed. The
Party (Bolivarian Party for the Socialist Revolution) of Venezuela
therefore sees the necessity of forging instruments in which
they can converge, and at the same time remake universal revolutionary
thought, as the vanguard in an era of immense challenges and
great victories: capitalism is international; the revolution
is international; our thought and the action must be international.
Action in function of the notion of a global anti-imperialist
bloc and the revolutionary and socialist convergence of the
Latin American-Caribbean peoples, will guide the steps taken
by the Party (Bolivarian Party for the Socialist Revolution)
of Venezuela with the certainty that making these objectives
a reality will change the relationship of forces at the international
scale and inaugurate a new historic era.
The agony of imperialism is an unavoidable
fact. The Party (Bolivarian Party for the Socialist Revolution)
of Venezuela
is born in order to defend the homeland, to lead the revolution
towards its emancipatory objective, to join with all the other
peoples of the world in the task of burying imperialism and
building a new world, fit for a free and full humanity.
Editor's
note :Petroleumworld
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News 01/26/08
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Presidential
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